This is the third in a series of UNITY study columns on Chairman Mao’s theory of three worlds. The first two parts explained the general features of the three worlds theory and explained how the two superpowers – the U.S. and U.S.S.R. – are the main enemies of the world’s people. This column focuses on the importance of the third world.
We encourage UNITY readers to send in their comments, criticisms and questions about the columns. In future study columns and articles in UNITY, we will attempt to respond to our reader’s questions.
At the end of each study column is a list of suggested readings and discussion questions.
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Mao Tsetung stated in 1974, “In my view, the United States and the Soviet Union form the first world. Japan, Europe and Canada, the middle section, belong to the second world. We are the third world. The third world has a huge population. With the exception of Japan, Asia belongs to the third world. The whole of Africa belongs to the third world and Latin America too.”
The third world is a key aspect of the three world’s theory, as it is the main force in the worldwide anti-imperialist struggle, particularly against the two superpowers.
The third world is playing such a role because the people of this area have been subjected to the most ruthless colonial and imperialist oppression. The people of the third world have been enslaved and brutalized, their riches plundered and their countries subjugated by imperialism. Their desire for genuine independence, democracy and economic well-being is a deep one, and in the final analysis these can be achieved only with the entire overthrow of imperialism.
The population of the third world, over 3 billion in number, constitutes 70% of the people of the world. The third world too, has a huge territory and possesses a tremendous wealth of natural resources. The imperialists have tried to deny the importance of the third world, but as events have shown, it is the third world which is more and more shaping history.
Since World War II the struggles of the third world have changed the face of the earth. There were among others, the Chinese revolution of 1949, the Korean revolution and later the victorious war of resistance against U.S. aggression in the 1950’s, the Cuban revolution in 1959, the Algerian revolution in 1962 and the victories of the Vietnamese, Laotian and Kampuchean people over U.S. imperialism in the 1970’s. In Africa, before World War II, almost the entire continent was colonized, but with heroic determination the African people in all but a handful of countries, have thrown off the yoke of colonialism. Throughout the world over 80 countries have won independence from old-style colonialism.
While most of the third world has achieved liberation from colonialism, the majority of them still have not attained complete political and economic independence. They are still oppressed by imperialism, especially by the superpowers. Overthrowing colonialism has not exhausted the revolutionary potential of the third world, but rather the third world will become an even more important force in the coming years as it raises its political consciousness, sharpens its struggles, and strengthens its unity.
Today events such as in southern Africa, Nicaragua and Iran; the increased political awareness and the growing cooperation and unity of third world countries such as at the UN or in OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries); and the non-aligned movement all confirm that the third world is a mighty force. The third world will continue to play a decisive anti-imperialist role due to its historical experiences and position in the world.
The struggles of the third world profoundly weaken imperialism. The superpowers are dependent upon the resources, markets and labor of the third world. The struggles of the third world are basically aimed at overturning the oppression imposed by imperialism; therefore, the third world has objectively become part of the world front opposing the imperialist bourgeoisie. As Mao Tsetung wrote: “In this era, any revolution in a colony or semi-colony that is directed against imperialism ... is part of the new world revolution, the proletarian-socialist revolution.” (“On New Democracy,” Mao’s Collected Works.)
Different forces in the third world The third world is composed of countries with different social systems and different forces in state power. What they have in common, though, is a basic contradiction with imperialism, especially the two superpowers.
The socialist countries are a part of the third world, even though they are no longer oppressed by imperialism. This is because the socialist countries all have a common historical experience in fighting imperialism, and still have a fundamental contradiction with imperialism. In this sense, the socialist and oppressed countries have an identity of interests and are allies in the fight against imperialism. The Communist Party of China has stated, “Common experience, common tasks in struggle and community of interests past, present and future, determine that China belongs to the third world.” (Chairman Mao’s Differentiation of the Three Worlds Is A Major Contribution to Marxism-Leninism.)
The international proletariat and the socialist countries are the leading force in the world anti-superpower front. The proletariat is the most revolutionary and far-sighted class. The proletariat represented by its Marxist-Leninist parties has the broadest understanding of the world and is in the most profound contradiction with imperialism.
Placing the socialist countries in the third world does not negate or belittle these truths; but rather, this helps to identify the socialist countries as the closest allies of the oppressed countries and nations.
Among the non-socialist third world countries, there are also differences in governmental systems and interests. There are some serious conflicts among the third world countries and there are also class contradictions within the oppressed nations and countries. But these differences do not detract from the basic fact that they are all oppressed. Their struggles for complete independence and democracy, when seen as a whole, weaken, isolate and oppose imperialism.
These struggles are of a wide variety today. There are armed struggles for national liberation, such as in Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania; struggles to gain control over natural resources and consolidate independence as in Latin America. There are struggles to defend national independence, like the efforts of Zaire to defeat two Soviet-backed invasions. There are struggles against imperialist supported repression, as in Nicaragua or the Philippines, and other struggles to win the new democratic revolution, as in Thailand. Some of these struggles are led by communist parties, and others are led by the bourgeoisie; still others are led by feudalists or even reactionary governments. But whomever leads such struggles, if they objectively strike a blow at imperialism and the superpowers, they are a positive factor in the world today and should be supported.
The international proletariat, of course, does not support every action or national movement in the third world. Each struggle is assessed in relationship to the struggle against imperialism and the superpowers. Stalin drew an important lesson on this matter in 1924:
The revolutionary character of a national movement under the conditions of imperialist oppression does not necessarily presuppose the existence of proletarian elements in the movement, the existence of a revolutionary or a republican programme of the movement, the existence of a democratic basis of the movement. The struggle that the Emir of Afghanistan is waging for the independence of Afghanistan is objectively a revolutionary struggle, despite the monarchist views of the Emir and his associates, for it weakens, disintegrates and undermines imperialism ....
Lenin was right in saying that the national movement of the oppressed countries should be appraised not from the point of view of formal democracy, but from the point of view of the actual results, as shown by the general balance sheet of the struggle against imperialism, that is to say, ’not in isolation, but on a worldscale.’ (Stalin, Foundations of Leninism.)
We should keep Lenin’s and Stalin’s lessons in mind whenever we assess different events and movements in the third world. Whatever helps objectively to weaken or isolate imperialism we should support; and whatever strengthens imperialism we should oppose. In the world today we should particularly take note of the effect of the struggles in relation to the two superpowers.
With these perspectives in mind, it would be worthwhile to examine a couple of specific questions to make these lessons more concrete.
Were the Zairean people correct in building a united front to oppose the Soviet-backed invasions of their country and to defend national sovereignty? From this example, what can we learn in general about the dangers of targeting only U.S. imperialism as an enemy of the third world?
Zaire is extremely rich in natural resources, is a large country and is strategically located in the center of Africa. For these reasons the imperialists have long coveted the area. Belgian, French and U.S. imperialism have extensive holdings in the country, and there is widespread sentiment among the people against Mobuto, the head of the Zaire government. As newcomers to the imperialist plunder of Zaire, the social-imperialists in 1977 and 1978, tried to take advantage of this situation by backing two armed invasions of the country. The objective of these invasions was to dismember or completely subjugate Zaire. These were grave threats to the sovereignty of Zaire.
Under these circumstances it was correct for the Zairean people to forge a united front to oppose the Soviet-backed invasions. This united front included workers, peasants, intellectuals, capitalists as well as the Mobuto government itself. In the 1978 invasion, Belgian and French government forces intervened in Zaire to protect their own property against the Soviet forces and these forces, too, could be used against the invaders. Even contradictions among the imperialists can be utilized to defeat the principal enemy.
To have simultaneously fought against the Soviet aggressors, British, French and U.S. imperialism, as well as the corrupt Mobuto regime, would have actually meant sacrificing the country to the Soviet forces, the greatest danger at the time. To oppose only the U.S. superpower while the country is being invaded by the Soviet superpower would only undermine Zairean independence and help bring social-imperialist domination upon the Zairean people. The complete subjugation of the country would have been a great setback to the Zairean people’s cause of winning complete political and economic independence since this struggle would be more difficult to wage under Soviet colonial rule.
In Zaire it was therefore correct for Zairean Marxist-Leninists to set an example for all Zairean patriots by resolutely striving to unite all who could be united to fight the invasion and to defend the country as a step toward ending all imperialist domination and reactionary rule in Zaire.
Employing all possible forces against the principal enemy was utilized by Mao Tsetung and the Communist Party of China to defeat Japanese imperialism when it was out to conquer China in the 1930’s and 1940’s. Regarding the use of inter-imperialist contradictions, Mao wrote in 1937:
The contradiction between China and imperialism in general has given way to the particularly salient and sharp contradiction between China and Japanese imperialism. Japanese imperialism is carrying out a policy of total conquest of China. Consequently, the contradictions between China and certain other imperialist powers have been relegated to a secondary position, while the rift between these powers and Japan has been widened . . . China should not only unite with the Soviet Union . . . but as far as possible should work for joint opposition to Japanese imperialism with those imperialist countries which, at the present time, are willing to maintain peace and are against new wars of aggression. The aim of our united front must be resistance to Japan, and not simultaneous opposition to all the imperialist powers. (The Tasks of the Chinese Communist Party In The Period of Resistance to Japan)
Of course, the world has greatly changed since 1937; Japan was defeated in the war and has been reduced to a second world country. The Soviet Union on the other hand has restored capitalism and become an imperialist superpower and the more aggressive of the two superpowers. Nevertheless, Mao’s experiences hold valuable lessons for us in combatting metaphysical views which advocate fighting all enemies at once and not making use of every possible force and contradiction (even contradictions among the imperialist and reactionary forces) to defeat the main enemy at every point of the revolution.
How should we view the reactionary governments in the third world, such as that of the Shah of Iran?
The Shah of Iran has perpetrated many crimes against the Iranian people. He has carried out a policy of brutal suppression of workers, peasants, intellectuals, students and others in Iran. He has allowed the U.S. imperialists to penetrate much of the economy and policies of the country. For these reasons the Iranian people are conducting a just struggle against imperialist interference and reactionary rule in their country. As the events of the recent weeks have shown, the Shah’s government is on the brink of collapse.
Genuine communists of all countries support the revolutionary struggles of the Iranian people and recognize that it is only a matter of time that the Iranian people will win their new democratic revolution and ultimately go on to build socialism.
At the same time, with regard to the international arena, it is important to recognize that the Iranian government has performed some acts which are beneficial to the struggle against the superpowers.
Acting from its own class interests, the Iranian regime has done such things as participate in OPEC to help win back control over natural resources. It called for making the Indian Ocean a nuclear weapon-free zone, an act pointed against the two superpowers who have massive fleets in the area. And it has taken some steps to help People’s China regain her position in various international bodies.
These acts were contributions to the international united front against the two superpowers. The Shah took these steps, not because he had the interests of the broad masses of Iranian people in mind, but because of his interest in strengthening his own position in the world, especially against the Soviet Union. Keeping in mind “the general balance sheet of the struggle against imperialism” one can see that it was correct to support the anti-superpower moves of the Iranian government. And this in no way contradicted support for the movement to overthrow reactionary rule in Iran.
The issue of Iran brings up the general matter of the governments and peoples of the third world. It is the broad masses of people who are most genuinely and staunchly progressive. Therefore, communists support the struggles of the people of the third world to overthrow reactionary regimes and initiate democratic governments which can even more firmly oppose imperialism and the two superpowers. But when third world governments, even very reactionary ones, take steps to strengthen third world unity and combat the superpowers, such steps should be encouraged since objectively these acts hurt the superpowers. Whether or not these governments like it, actions against the superpowers actually contribute to improving the conditions for the people’s own forces within these countries. These anti-superpower actions help to break the country away from the main international reactionary strongholds.
It is the internationalist responsibility of the proletariat in an oppressor country like the U.S. to support every action and movement which objectively weakens imperialism and the superpowers; and which strengthens the independence and unity of the third world.
At the same time, we always must maintain our basic stand with the masses of people of Iran and other countries and firmly support their revolutionary struggles. We give overall support to the struggles of the third world as “a component part of the world socialist revolution.”
Chairman Mao’s Differentiation of the Three Worlds Is A Major Contribution to Marxism-Leninism, esp. pp. 39-54. (Available from UNITY for 50 cents.)
Stalin, Foundations of Leninism, “The National Question,” (Available from UNITY for $1.00.)
Mao Tsetung, “The Tasks of the Chinese Communist Party in the Period of Resistance to Japan,” Mao’s Collected Works, Vol. I. (Available from UNITY for $3.00.)
1. Why should we consider the third world as the main force against imperialism?
2. What are some examples of the various types of struggles of the third world that we should support?
3. Why is Stalin’s and Lenin’s lesson about analyzing struggles on a “balance sheet against imperialism” correct? Why is it incorrect to look at these struggles in isolation of the world situation?