First Published: Workers Viewpoint, Vol. 6, No. 28, July 22-July 26, 1981.
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba
Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above.
SAN DIEGO, CA – On July 8, six months and a day since trusteeship was imposed on their union, NASSCO workers filed papers for a representation election. The United Shipyard Workers Union has achieved its goal of getting over 30 percent of NASSCO’s Iron Workers Local 627 members to sign authorization cards. There will now be an election, conducted by the NLRB to see which union will represent the 2,400 bargaining unit employees. The Labor Board has set a tentative date of July 30.
The day before the filing, the USWU held a rally at the main gate of the giant shipyard. Organizers stood in the bed of a pick-up to address the crowd. “Now you got a choice,” shouted JR, a Black USWU activist. “The International steals your $10 a month and gives you nothing. It’s time to kick them out and vote in the United Shipyard Workers.”
This battle has shaped up over the dictatorial actions of the Iron Workers International. One of the most reactionary unions, the International has consistently sold out the members at NASSCO. They refused to aid the strike last August when the workers went out for three days to protest the firing of their union leaders. International Vice-President Lon Goodwin was quoted in the Los Angeles Times then as saying the strike was communist-led and for workers to reject the CWP. They did nothing for the NASSCO 3.
During the election for officers last December, the International endorsed the incumbent Business Agent, Cherokee, who had turned against the workers. When the strike leaders won the election in spite of tremendous redbaiting, the International clamped the local into trusteeship, suspending all internal democracy.
Since the trusteeship, people have seen what International control means. They appointed a biker named Ed Troxel to the position of Business Agent. Troxel had lost the previous election when he ran on the International’s slate. Known company spies and Klansmen have been appointed as shop stewards.
Except for the deduction of union dues, most people would not know it is a union shop. What makes this period especially crucial is the upcoming contract; the agreements between NASSCO and its seven unions expire Sept. 30. The victors of this representation election will negotiate the labor contract.
Why have NASSCO workers embarked on this course? People ask: isn’t there a better solution? The decision to build a new union is not one that is made lightly. Before taking this step, union organizers exhausted every possible alternative. Petitions with over 1,300 signatures were presented to the International. At an internal union hearing, several hundred workers participated in thoroughly demolishing the charges against the local. Court action was taken but the judge refused to issue an injunction.
Meetings were held to work out a compromise solution but this was rejected by the International bureaucrats. Pressure was applied in many ways. Finally, a union meeting called by local leaders, an overwhelming decision to decertify was made. The only other choice would have been to submit to 18 months of International dictatorship. A decertification drive can only be held three months before a new contract.
Ever since the activists were fired last August, harassment has stepped up with firings, speed-ups, and elimination of union rights, while safety continued to deteriorate. The deaths of two workers, Kenneth King and Michael Beebe, last September were seen as a prelude to what workers would continue to face. NASSCO’s dream of a company contract rubber-stamped by the International officials looked certain. The International Association of Machinists, the second largest local at NASSCO is also under trusteeship. The fighting tradition of Local 627 stood in danger of becoming a fond memory.
Since the formation of the USWU, all this has changed. The International, scared of losing its gold mine at NASSCO, has removed shop stewards identified with the USWU despite the fact that no other workers would volunteer to take the position. It asked for and got the cooperation of the six other unions at NASSCO, even though the decertification is limited to Iron Workers.
Using redbaiting and scare tactics, it tried to block support by threatening to tie it up in litigation for years. This propaganda has had some effect. Fears of having no contract has caused some workers to hesitate. The USWU does not expect such a lengthy period of legal haggling.
However, a large segment of the yard sees that a strong union with militant leadership can deter such moves. One lead man stated, ”=0;I’ve been here 10 years and the International has done nothing for me. Even if it takes two years, it will be worth it to control our own affairs.” Older workers remember the 1970-75 contract, negotiated by the International, which gave them a 19 cents raise each year for five years. Almost everyone expects a similar sweetheart deal will be signed again if the International wins. A heated debate is going on every day over this – do the risks of going independent outweigh the fighting chance offered by breaking away or vice versa?
The company is taking a wait and see attitude. NASSCO Vice-President John Murphy stated that it will negotiate with whichever union is certified as the bargaining agent. But it clearly favors retaining its control through the International.
A third party has also emerged. Calling itself the NASSCO Workers for a Better Contract (NWBC), it is a numerically small group headed by an assortment of ex-Marxists who lost the last election. At first it tried to appear “neutral,” opposing both trusteeship and decertification. Now it is solidly in favor of, and actively supported by, the International.
As liberal critics, these opportunists spread fear and demoralization. The International uses them, appointing them to the so-called negotiating committee and giving them publicity. People do not respect them, as they have historically played a splitting role, but their backing by the International does make them a force.
Nationally, the revisionist Communist Party, U.S.A. has seized on these developments to push their line. A recent article in People’s World, the CP’s West Coast weekly, slanders the CWP’s work at NASSCO, and even tries to resurrect the old Business Agent, Cherokee, as a model leader. Cherokee is regarded throughout the yard as a sold out snake. The International rewarded him by giving him an $18/hr. job at a nuclear plant. The CPUSA, like the NWBC, pushes the International’s line. But it can never explain why so many workers support the militant leadership. Perhaps the workers don’t read People’s World.
As one can see, the USWU faces a stiff fight. But the fact that 500 people signed cards in two days and that the USWU does enjoy widespread support are indications of where people are at. In these times of economic crisis, workers are reluctant to take actions that jeopardize their jobs and security. But those same pressures are causing people to search for the best way to fight back. As one welder put it, “I don’t have any personal loyalties to either side. I’m looking at it economically, what’s best for me and my family. I figure you guys (USWU) offer the best chance. We have to look at the long run, not just week by week. I know you guys won’t sell us out. ..And I know the International will.”
Still, good ideas and a proven record alone will not sway the majority. The USWU must also present a tight organization capable of dealing with matters in the yard and of tapping national support to win the election and force NASSCO to negotiate. Such an organization coupled with the workers determination will make victory certain.