First Published:The Workers’ Advocate Vol. 8, No. 9, September 28, 1978.
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba
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“The economic basis of ’social-chauvinism’... and of opportunism is the same, namely, an alliance between an insignificant section at the ’top’ of the labor movement, and its ’own’ national bourgeoisie, directed against the masses of the proletariat; an alliance between the servants of the bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie, directed against the class that is exploited by the bourgeoisie.”
“Social-chauvinism draws its strength from nowhere else but this alliance with the bourgeoisie and the General Staffs.” (V. I. Lenin, “Opportunism, and the Collapse of the Second International”, Collected Works, Vol. 21, pp. 442-443.)
Revisionism, social-chauvinism and opportunism of all hues within the U.S. working-class movement are alien trends to the revolutionary proletariat. The revisionist and opportunist groups are nothing but flimsy rightists with flabby organization. Thus, the question arises: where does revisionism find its source of strength? Of course, the Khrushchovite revisionist “C”PUSA and the social-chauvinist “C”P(“ML”) “three worlders” (formerly the October League) are backed up by the big revisionist states, by Moscow and Peking respectively. But this is only a partial answer. Revisionism and social-chauvinism represents an alliance with the imperialist bourgeoisie and it is the direct and indirect ties with the U.S. monopoly capitalist state which provide its main source of strength. This alliance is effected through the strivings of the revisionists and social-chauvinists to go into the trade union bureaucracies. The social base of revisionism and social-chauvinism is the petty bourgeoisie and the labor aristocracy.
The labor aristocracy, the bribed upper strata of the workers, trade union officials, etc., are the most ardent defenders of the U.S. imperialist bourgeoisie and zealous firefighters of the revolution. The present day capitalist trade unions have been fully integrated into the capitalist state machine and the trade union bosses have a thousand and one connections with the state; high positions in the various government commissions and agencies, labor-management councils and so on. Presently in the grips of all-round crisis with economic crisis at its base, the bourgeoisie is systematically activating and expanding the role of the labor aristocracy and its left wing in particular. For their part, the revisionists and opportunists of all hues are busily engaged in carving themselves cozy positions within the trade union bureaucracies. They are attempting to consolidate their positions as part of the left-wing of the reactionary labor aristocracy, taking advantage of the situation.
The U.S. proletariat is in growing revolt against the attempts of the bourgeoisie to make the people bear the burden of the economic crisis. The strike movement of the workers against the high cost of living, against the savage exploitation and tyranny of the monopoly capitalist class is rapidly developing. In response, the bourgeoisie is attempting to suppress the workers’ movement not only with police violence, court injunctions and jailings, but is more and more relying on its agency within the working-class movement, the labor aristocracy.
The sold-out trade union misleaders, the labor lieutenants of the capitalist class are being mobilized to the maximum to ensure that the struggles of the workers are kept within certain bounds and do not break out of the restrictions imposed on them by the state. The labor aristocracy is systematically working to disarm and disorient the working-class movement in the face of the fascist anti-working class offensive of the monopoly capitalists. It is attempting to create the maximum illusions in the workers’ ranks, to convince the workers to give up their struggle against the capitalist exploiters and their state power and instead to rely on the collaboration between the labor traitors, the bourgeoisie and the bourgeois, state apparatus for salvation. The AFL-CIO, the UAW and the other trade unions are presently spending millions of dollars trying to convince the workers that the “real struggle will be in November” when the workers will be able to vote to replace a monopoly capitalist Republican politician with a so-called “pro-labor” monopoly capitalist Democrat to exploit and suppress the masses. In alliance with the Carter administration and the Democrats, the labor traitors have been introducing one savage measure after another to block the advance of the workers’ movement.
In short, the program of the labor aristocracy is the suppression of the rising working-class movement by way of deception as well as outright repressive social- fascist measures.
The much advertised “new militancy” of the trade union chieftains is but a continuation of this same anti-working class program. UAW president Doug Fraser’s resignation from the government’s Labor-Management Committee in July, and his much-publicized phrase-mongering about the ”one-sided class war” waged by the ”business community”, were in themselves a big dose of deception. The capitalists are fully aware that with the intensification of the class Struggle and the growing militancy of the workers, the openly corrupt and reactionary trade unionism of the Meany type will no longer do. In order to keep the workers under control, to maintain the influence of the bourgeoisie over the workers’ movement, social- democratic ”fighting” labor traitors such as Fraser are being widely promoted. Fraser’s declarations of ”class war” are nothing but sand being thrown in the eyes of the workers. Fraser himself admits that his only real complaint is the failure of his Democratic friends in the White House and the Congress to have enacted the Labor Law Reform Act and other deceptive, anti-working class legislation.
Furthermore, the ”fighting” trade union hacks are the worst scabs and strikebreakers. Several years ago, in an election called and supervised by the federal government, the social-democratic ”reform” candidate Arnold Miller was installed as president of the United Mine Workers Union in an attempt to suppress the upsurge of the coal miners’ strike movement. Since that time Miller has worked feverishly to bring ”industrial peace” to the coal fields, attempting to smash the wildcat strike movement by every conceivable means and openly collaborating with the state and the coal operators to break the coal miners’ heroic strike last winter.
Presently, the ”militant” bureaucrats within the postal workers’ unions have been calling for militant strike actions in words, while in deeds collaborating with the government’s delaying tactics to paralyze the postal workers’ struggle. Another example of the ”militant” strikebreaking of the labor traitors is their collaboration with the Carter administration’s preparations to impose mandatory wage-price controls. The trade union chieftains have announced in advance they will go along with Carter’s fascist plans. While declaring that they are in favor of wage-cuts for ” workers, the labor traitors are ”militantly” demanding that these wage-cuts be ”fair”, that the capitalists must make a show of holding down prices as well.
Thus, the ”new militancy” of Fraser and the other top bureaucrats shows that they are indeed waging a ”class war”, but it is on the side of the capitalist exploiters against the developing workers’ movement.
Nevertheless, true to their class nature, the revisionists and opportunists of all hues are responding to the ”new militancy” of the labor traitors with the greatest enthusiasm. They are unfolding a new campaign of diversion, claiming that the hated top union bureaucrats have changed their anti-working class nature as a result of ”new conditions”. Their aim is to chain the proletarian movement to the political line of the labor aristocracy-- to strengthen the domination of the capitalist trade unions, the bourgeoisie and its state power over the workers’ movement. The revisionists’ and opportunists’ enthusiasm for the ”new militancy” of the labor traitors is a graphic illustration of their ambitions, utilizing the ”new conditions” to propel themselves into the trade union apparatus.
The revisionist jackals of the ”C”PUSA and the social-chauvinist ”three worlders” of the OL, are propagating the most outrageous fraud: that the ”objective situation” -- the ”anti-labor offensive of the bosses” on the one hand and ”the growing rank-and-file militancy” on the other -- has ”forced” the top leaders of the capitalist trade unions to take up the struggle against the bourgeoisie. On the basis of this fraud, the revisionists and opportunists are calling on the workers to ”support” this ”positive new trend”, to ”pressure” the labor traitors to wage the ”battle” on the workers’ behalf against the ”bosses’ offensive”. This demagogy contains a definite message in terms of program for the workers’ movement: the revisionists and opportunists are attempting to mobilize the proletariat into a ”militant” army of labor lieutenants of the bourgeoisie, an army to ”fight” for the program of the labor aristocracy for the suppression of the working- class movement.
Gus Hall, the general secretary of the revisionist party, outlined this strategy of class betrayal in a clear-cut fashion in his report to the National Council of the ”C”PUSA last June. This strategy is crystalized in the revisionists’ concept of a ”Left-Center coalition”, the present ”centerpiece” of their ”trade union work”. Gus Hall elaborates this concept as follows:
First, ”things have changed”. ”Left-Center unity” ”reflects the new reality and the new relationship of forces in the trade union movement”, (Left-Center unity) ”would have been a wrong emphasis in the recent past” but conforms to ”a new objective framework” and ”the objective processes”. And what are these ”objective processes” he is referring to? With ”the deepening of the crisis of capitalism”, ”important trade union forces are moving from Right Field to Center Field. This is the broadest and most significant political motion that is taking place. ” And further:
”The Right has been losing its influence on the Carter forces...the Center forces have become more active...Important sections of the trade union movement have separated themselves from the status quo of class collaboration and will not return to the old position.” And to eliminate any confusion about the meaning of this revisionist balderdash, Gus Hall explains: ”Who are the Center forces ? They are honest, militant working- class trade union forces. This is true also of those on leadership levels. They are honest trade union forces. They are the largest sector in the trade unions. They are in transition from Right to Center, moving toward the Left... The Center forces are in the process of being radicalized.”
Thus, according to this general secretary of modern revisionism, ”those on leadership levels” in ”the largest sector in the trade unions” are ”moving toward the Left” or have already ”separated themselves from the status quo of class collaboration”! The ”new militancy” of the capitalist labor lieutenants --far from being vicious demagogy, a big dose of deception to drown the workers’ movement in a sea of class collaborationist, liberal-labor and social-democratic politics -- ”reflects the new^reality”!
And what are the practical conclusions of these revisionist fallacies?
First, there is an issue of economics. The revisionists are striving to eliminate any obstacles, which prevent themselves from receiving their rightful place, their share of the soft jobs in the trade union bureaucracies. And this is only possible if the”Left”, the revisionists, come to terms and form an alliance, or more precisely enter into a marriage, with the ”Center”, the ”largest sector” of the labor aristocracy. As Gus Hall unashamedly puts it: ”The weakness showed up as reluctance and hesitation to establish relationships with Center forces, both on a leadership and grassroots level”; ”it was necessary for the Party and the Left forces to say to the Center forces ’You’re welcome. We want to work with you.’”
And secondly, besides trying to mobilize the workers to elect the revisionist scoundrels themselves to trade union office, the revisionists are trying to mobilize the workers behind the ”Center”. The revisionists are attempting to divert the working-class movement into a cheering squad for the ”new militancy” of the capitalist labor lieutenants, to ”help them (the labor traitors -- ed.) move from the passive Center to working with the Left”, ”They must be encouraged to move further from one position to another. ” In this way, the revisionists are attempting to condemn the class-conscious workers to the position of the tail of the sold-out labor traitors, and thus divert the workers’ movement into a ”left” ”encouragement” for the labor aristocracy’s program of deception and social-fascist suppression of the working class.
The bastard offspring of modern revisionism, the social-chauvinist ”three worlders” led by the ”C”P (”ML”), have responded to the ”new militancy” of the labor traitors with even a greater enthusiasm than that of the revisionists. It was not long ago that the ”C”P(”ML”) and the OL before it carried out the most extravagant ”self-criticism” for advocating the revisionist concept of ”moving the trade unions to the left”. As a means of ”rectification” the Klonskyite leaders resolved to move their bourgeois trade unionism to the left, rendered the revisionist concept more profound, and are now engaged in the business of ”revolutionizing” the capitalist trade unions. Recently The Call has carried major articles (”Unions Balk in Face of Bosses’ Attacks”, 8/21/78, and ”State of the Labor Movement”, parts one and two, 9/4/78 and 9/11/78) which helped to clarify this ”revolutionizing” process.
In fact, the line is clear from the headline, ”Unions Balk in Face of Bosses’ Attacks”, and the first sentences of the article beneath it:
”Caught between a ’rock and a hard place’, the top labor bureaucrats are raving mad at big business and the Carter administration.
”The ’hard place’ is the current anti-labor offensive. This offensive has so far brought about the defeat of the Labor Law Reform Bill, promoted ’wage restraint’ contracts nationwide, and launched a revival of union busting on a big scale.
”The ’rock’ is the millions of rank-and-file workers whose anger and militancy at these big-business attacks is growing by the day. ”The leaders of organized labor are now under tremendous pressure from the workers to fight against the bosses’ attacks. So the bureaucrats are now threatening an open revolt against big business …”
Thus, the sold-out labor aristocrats, yesterday’s target of the Klonskyites’ worst abuse and nastiest curses, ”sell-outs”, ”traitors” and the like, are today ”threatening an open revolt against business”! In the present situation, with ”a new anti-labor offensive” and ”rank and file anger”, the ”C”P(”ML”) scribblers pontificate: ”Many of the biggest capitalists are now afraid of where some of the new developments in labor officialdom will lead”. Imagine that! When you consider that the ”labor officialdom” being referred to are the chieftains of the AFL-CIO, the UAW, etc., it is truly mind boggling what strong effects ”new developments” can have when they are reflected in the eyes of the revolutionary wing of the sold-out labor aristocracy!
Exposing their true social-democratic souls, the Klonskyites are particularly thrilled with the demagogy of the social-democratic ”fighting” hacks, ”labor leaders like Doug Fraser”, exclaiming that ”what worries the monopolists in the U.S.” is the ”warning implied” in Doug Fraser’s comments about the benefits of ”socialist oriented” unions, etc. Nevertheless, even George Meany is included in the ranks of their labor heroes resisting the capitalists: ”Pressed to the wall by an increasingly rebellious rank and file, Meany has joined the section of labor leaders who are balking at the bosses’ attacks” (The Call, 9/11/78, ”State of the Labor Movement”, part two.)
So what are the fighting tasks of the working-class movement ”in the course of the battle between these union leaders and big business”? To ”pressure” the labor traitors to make good the fight, to make them ”back up their words with action” is the strategy which the neo-revisionist gentlemen of the ”C”P(”ML”) are presenting to the workers.
The Call elaborates:
”This growing rift (between the labor traitors and the capitalists -- ed.) can be a very favorable development for the workers if they can turn it to good use... Neither new calls for ’class peace’ nor militant talk will do …
”The most effective weapon in the struggle to beat back the anti-labor offensive is the mass mobilization of the rank and file. ”
Clear enough. But towards what end is this ”mass mobilization of the rank and file” to take place?
The Call explains this as follows:
”The top bureaucrats running the labor movement have so far refused to mount a fight back movement against the bosses and their wage-cutting anti-worker policies.
”Today the bureaucrats are under tremendous pressure from the workers to fight back against the capitalists, and some have even spoken out against the bosses’ attacks. But if the misleaders keep refusing to back up-their words with action the workers will surely sweep them aside”.
Thus, the strategy of the ”C”P(”ML”) is the ”mass mobilization of the rank and file” for the purpose of ”mounting a fight back movement” on the basis of the politics of the labor aristocracy, to ”pressure” the capitalist labor lieutenants to ”back up their words” -- their program of deception and social-fascist suppression of the workers’ movement -- with ”action”.
The ”C”P(”ML”)’s demagogy about ”revolutionizing” the capitalist trade unions or ”building class struggle unions”, has the same content and is of the same character as the ”class war” unionism of the Frasers and the entire left-wing of the labor aristocracy. It is pure deception to mobilize support in the competitive struggle with the Meanys and the right for trade union positions, to champion the ”new militancy” of the labor aristocracy and re-enforce the positions of social-democracy and social-fascism in the working-class movement.
The similarity in the political line of the revisionist so-called ”Communist” Party and the social-chauvinist ”genuine Marxist-Leninists” of the ”C”P(”ML”) to that of the left-wing of the sold-out chieftains of the capitalist trade unions is uncanny in its completeness. In fact, the entire political existence of these revisionists and opportunists is based on the politics of the labor aristocracy. In their breast-beating ”self-criticism” of one and a half years ago, the Klonskyites made the revealing confession that: ”the line of ’moving the trade unions to the left’, instead of revolutionizing them... led to many rightist errors, in particular tailing after some of the more militant-sounding reformists while abandoning or down-playing communist independence and initiative.” (from the OL pamphlet ”A Communist View -- Building Class Struggle Trade Unions”, May 1977) However, it is clear that what the opportunists consider ”independence and initiative” from the ”militant-sounding reformists” is something of the order of the ”independence and initiative” of the tail in relation to the dog.
According to the trade unionism of the revisionists of all hues, it is the capitalist trade unions which are the revolutionary organizations of the proletariat. They do not consider it necessary for a Marxist- Leninist party, which is the highest form of organization of the proletariat, to lead the working-class movement on all fronts including the economic front. For the revisionists and opportunists, the working-class movement is equivalent to the trade union movement and is restricted to the capitalist trade unions. Hence, their ”industrial concentration” is directed at becoming part of the trade union bureaucracies and their politics are restricted to the politics of the capitalist trade unions, the politics of the labor aristocracy.
Marxism-Leninism teaches that the aristocracy of labor, the upper strata of the working class including the sold-out trade union misleaders, and the corrupt revisionist scribblers, are the agents of the bourgeoisie within the working-class movement. They are part of a bribed strata, maintained on the basis of the super-profits extracted by imperialism from the exploitation and plunder of the proletariat and oppressed peoples of the world, a strata which has been created by the monopoly capitalist class for the explicit purpose of diverting the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat. Lenin described the labor aristocracy as the main social prop of imperialism. U.S. imperialism, as one of the two superpowers which sucks the blood of thousands of millions of toiling masses, has created an enormous and most degenerate labor aristocracy. The present day trade unions in the U.S. have become fully integrated into the bourgeois state machine. The trade union apparatus is systematically wielded by the capitalist exploiters to stifle every revolt of the workers no matter how limited with a countless number of restrictions. The chieftains of the AFL-CIO, the UAW and the other unions, are conscious agents of the class enemy within the workers’ ranks who work hand in hand with the bourgeoisie to suppress the workers’ movement with both deception and violence.
As political representatives of the labor aristocracy themselves, the revisionists and opportunists find it necessary to deny these facts which are well known and create the maximum fog on the questions of the class nature and role of this strata. According to Gus Hall, the leaders of the capitalist trade unions are nothing but ”honest, militant working-class trade union forces” who just happen to be suffering from a touch of ”class collaborationist tendencies” and other ”ideological.limitations”. The Klonskyite social-chauvinists, on the other hand, are more sophisticated, portraying the capitalist labor lieutenants as having a dual nature, as some sort of intermediate phenomenon ”caught between a rock and a hard place”, as vacillating” labor warriors who ”refuse to mobilize the rank and file” into their ”battle against the bosses”.
Such assessments of the nature of the labor aristocracy are completely erroneous and are a big exposure of what kind of opposition to ”class capitulationism” and what kind of ”class struggle strategy” the revisionists and opportunists have in store. They show that the line of ”moving the trade unions to the left” by way of a ”Left-Center coalition” or by way of ”revolutionizing them” as the ”centerpiece” of their work, has nothing to do with opposing class collaboration nor with waging the proletarian class struggle.
The revisionists and opportunists of all hues do not have on the agenda the glorious and difficult task of building the Marxist-Leninist party as the decisive instrument of the proletarian class struggle against the capitalist exploiters. They deny that it is the Marxist -Leninist party which must lead and organize the proletarian movement to resist the efforts of the bourgeoisie to shift the burden of the economic crisis onto the working masses and to overthrow the monopoly capitalist system. Instead, the revisionists and opportunists are safely engaged in ”revolutionizing” the capitalist trade unions as a precondition to the class struggle, leaving it to the ”labor leaders” who ”must be encouraged from one position to another” to ”mount a fight back movement”.
Furthermore, the revisionists of all hues do not have on the agenda organizing the Marxist-Leninist party in the working class to smash the influence of the labor aristocracy there. They are saboteurs of the proletarian struggle on all fronts. Instead of directing their fire on the political line of the aristocracy of labor -- social democracy, social-chauvinism and social-fascism -- the revisionists and opportunists are fanatical proponents of these politics under the hoax of the labor aristocracy being an ”honest trade union force” ”battling the bosses”, etc. Every deception of the trade union chieftains is turned into a ”rank and file demand” and every defeat of the anti-working class legislation of the labor traitors and the ”pro-labor” Democrats is turned into a ”setback for the labor movement” by the revisionists and opportunists of all hues. For instance, look at the agitation of the revisionists and social-chauvinists on the question of the labor traitors Labor Law Reform Act and on their present electoral strategy.
The Labor Law Reform Act of 1978 has been the labor traitors’ central piece of legislation this year, pushed in the Congress by the Carter administration and the ”friends of labor” Democrats. Advertised as a bill to make the present labor law (the fascist Taft-Hartley Act to be exact) mare ”fair and effective”, this ”reform” is in fact a savage, anti-working class measure. The trade union chieftains are particularly eager for this bill as it further integrates the trade unions into the state and expands the role of the trade union bureaucracies in collaboration with the courts in keeping the workers’ movement within certain bounds. Among other things, the act contains provisions against wildcat strikes and roving pickets, a measure to ensure that the workers’ struggles do not break out of the repressive confines of the trade union apparatus, written explicitly for the suppression of the powerful strike movement of the coal miners. (It should be noted that the leaders of the United Mine Workers eventually broke ranks with the other labor traitors regarding this bill, afraid to openly attempt to foist it on the coal miners.)
However, the revisionists and opportunists of every hue have made a big show of support for the anti-working class Labor Law Reform. (On this question, the revisionist and social-chauvinist sects have proven themselves to be more right-wing than even the social-democratic UMW bosses.) Chiming in behind the trade union chieftains, the opportunists have been trying to sell this bill as ”a reform measure to help organize the unorganized” without being able to show any evidence of this whatsoever. They even go so far as to glorify it as a ”step towards the repeal of the Taft-Hartley right-to-work laws”, covering up the fact that it has nothing to do with repealing ”right-to- work” laws and everything to do with strengthening the fascist Taft-Hartley Act. Nevertheless, the entire revisionist and opportunist press has been moaning over the ”vicious attacks on the Labor Reform Act” by the heartless ”big business interests”. One commando squad of ”three worlders”, when confronted by one of their own supporters with the fact that the Act contains harsh provisions for the suppression of ”unauthorized work stoppages” answered in their newspaper that this was irrelevant, that the miners would strike ”anyway”, to oppose the bill on this basis would be a legalist deviation, and thus the bill should be/fully supported as an important reform! According to their absurd argument, the laws of the bourgeoisie directed at suppressing the workers are of little concern, that laws cannot prevent the workers’ strikes while a change in the bourgeois laws to allegedly prevent the capitalists themselves from blocking organizing drives, will be an important reform. Hence, they argue that the laws of the bourgeois state can not restrain the workers but will effectively restrain the capitalist exploiters. And all this hocus pocus to mystify and, create illusions about the class nature of the monopoly capitalist state is done in the name of criticizing bourgeois legalism!
The revisionists and opportunists have absolutely no shame; no sophistry is too outrageous when it comes to supporting the politics of deception and suppression of the labor aristocracy.
The same is true with the support of the revisionists and social-chauvinists for the labor traitors’ electoral strategy. The bold declaration of the trade union chieftains in recent months about the ”one-sided class war” and the struggle against ”corporate interests” have everything to do with November’s elections. The labor traitors, after spending eight years trying to persuade the workers that their problems would be solved with the installation of a Democrat in the White House, are now frantically trying to convince the workers why they should continue to support the ”pro-labor” Democrats despite the fact that it is their ”friend”, President Carter, who is organizing the fascist offensive of capital against the workers. The trade union chieftains are trying to explain why it is that with ”friends of labor” Democrats in the White House and holding solid majorities in both houses of Congress, the situation facing the workers continues to drastically worsen. Their answer is that it is the result of an ”ultra-right” conspiracy: ”These New Right organizations have begun to win. In Congress their associates, a small group of conservatives, have frightened and harassed what was expected to be the most progressive Congress in our recent history into a state of political shock.” (from the UAW pamphlet ” A Citizen’s Guide to the Right Wing”.) The great battle which the labor traitors are preparing, is to be waged first in the polling booths and then in the legislatures and halls of Congress where the ”friends of labor” will be able to ”beat back the encroachments of big business”. The AFL-CIO and the UAW are preparing for this great struggle by throwing tens of millions of dollars of the workers’ dues money behind the Democratic candidates and with a massive propaganda barrage against the ”anti-labor offensive of the ultra-Right”.
The Revisionist ”C”PUSA and the social-chauvinist ”C”P(”ML”) have thrown themselves into the struggle. In July, out of nowhere, The Call launched a big hysteria campaign against the ”fascist menace” posed by a new coalition of big business interests” which is ”on the offensive” against both the Carter administration and ”labor” alike. Gus Hall called for an alliance with the ”moderates” of the Carter administration against the ”new ultra-Right”, plagiarizing directly from the election literature of the AFL-CIO and the UAW. Thus, like clockwork the”agitation of the revisionists and opportunists was synchronized with the electoral strategy of the trade union chieftains. This further display of ”initiative and independence” from the ”militant sounding reformists” on the part of the revisionists and opportunists is enough to create confusion whether it is a case of the dog wagging its tail or the tail wagging the dog.
The answer to the question: where does revisionism find its source of strength, is being further exposed with every passing day. The senile hacks of the revisionist party as well as the miscarriage of modern revisionism, the puny social-chauvinist ”three worlders’’, are able to carry out their criminal activities within the working-class movement only because they have powerful allies, the hated reactionary labor traitors and the bourgeois state. They also have a definite social base, the labor aristocracy. Despite their flabbiness, revisionism, social-chauvinism and opportunism of all hues will not collapse under their own putrid weight. Therefore, in the course of the struggle for the overthrow of the monopoly capitalist system., with the Marxist-Leninist party as the commander, the revolutionary proletariat must direct its main fire against the influence of the labor aristocracy, against revisionism and opportunism of all hues. Only in this way can the proletariat rid itself of alien trends, unite its ranks and emerge victorious.