First Published: Workers Advocate Supplement, June 1, 1979.
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba
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To all Marxist-Leninists, class conscious workers and revolutionary activists: The Central Organization of U. S. Marxist-Leninists calls upon you to participate in the historic work to reestablish the revolutionary vanguard party of the proletariat through the founding of the MARXIST-LENINIST PARTY OF THE U.S.A.
Today a revolutionary ferment is growing among the working masses. The American proletariat is now preparing for great class battles in the 1980’s. The reconstitution and constant strengthening of the genuine Communist Party of the proletariat is absolutely indispensable to the successful advance of the proletarian revolutionary movement. The advanced section from the revolutionary activists of the 1960’s and 1970’s took up Marxism-Leninism, the most powerful and scientific revolutionary theory of all times. But for a decade the anti-Party trend of neo-revisionism has frustrated the repeated attempts of the Marxist-Leninists to unite into a single Communist Party in resolute opposition to the modern revisionists and the monopoly capitalist class enemy. In this decade the revolutionary Marxist-Leninists have advanced and strengthened themselves in the course of the struggle for the Party. Meanwhile the anti-Party trend of neo-revisionism, on the contrary, has degenerated to open Browderite great-power social-chauvinism. They have brought forth the warmongering thesis of “directing the main blow at the foreign threat”. They are all, whether openly or covertly, fervent supporters of the “three worlds” theory. They have all come out to attack the land of the dictatorship of the proletariat, glorious People’s Socialist Republic of Albania. In short, the neo-revisionists are now openly revelling in a most shameful alliance with the monopoly capitalist moneybags and the bloodstained U. S. imperialist state. Social-chauvinism is neo-revisionism and opportunism in finished form. It has matured to such an extent that the continued existence of this malignant tumor within the healthy body of the U. S. Marxist-Leninist movement cannot be tolerated. For the interests of the proletariat’s struggle for power, a struggle to overthrow the bourgeoisie, this disease must be removed. Now is the time to found the Party without the social-chauvinist class traitors and against the social-chauvinist class traitors.
Today the American proletariat is preparing for a great revolution to put to death the decadent American capitalist system and to build a bright red future of the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialism. U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism are the two most bloodstained aggressive imperialist powers known in history. Together, these two superpowers are the leaders of the camp of world imperialism and reaction and are the most deadly enemies of socialism and of freedom and genuine independence. They are the greatest exploiters of the proletariat and the world’s peoples and it is their struggle for world domination which threatens to hurl mankind into a third world war. At this time of deepening all-round crisis of the world imperialist system, the U. S. monopoly capitalist dictators are cynically preaching the “merits” of “American democracy” while frenziedly fascizing the state and preparing dark forces of terror to suppress the proletariat and working masses. They are using massive unemployment, never-ending inflation and the most inhuman intensification of labor in order to shift the burden of the crisis onto the proletariat and toiling masses. Under the fraud of a fight for “human rights” the U. S. imperialist bourgeoisie is spreading its tentacles to enslave and oppress the world’s peoples and to contend for world domination. The continued rule of the monopoly capitalist moneybags can only mean fascism, starvation and war. The current economic crisis of the U. S. monopoly capitalist system has once again demonstrated that the basic contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie is at a bursting point. It shows that the U. S. monopoly capitalist class is unable to solve any of the basic problems of society; and that only the proletariat, through the forcible overthrow of the existing social conditions, can end the crisis and usher in the bright future offered by socialism.
Already today the workers are throwing themselves into struggle, waging ever more intensive mass strikes, defying Carter’s wage controls, resisting the violent attacks against them by the capitalist state machine. It is the workers’ movement which is inspiring the other revolutionary movements and is the center of strength for the other struggles. The Afro-American people are today developing a militant resistance to racial discrimination and violent repression by the bourgeoisie and its state power. Other oppressed peoples including the people of Mexican nationality, the Puerto Rican people, the Native Americans, etc., are also rising to the struggle. A movement is now emerging against the imperialist militarization and war preparations, against the U.S.-China warmongering alliance, against the restoration of the draft, against stepped-up building of the Trident submarine and other modern weapons of imperialist aggression and war. Broad discontent and mass actions continue to grow among the rural proletariat, the small farmers, the youth and students, the working women and other sections of the people. This increasing discontent and these growing mass struggles are all signs of the general revolutionary ferment that is sweeping American life. They are the beginnings of and the preparations for great class battles in the 1980’s.
To organize the revolution the decisive question is the formation and building of the Marxist-Leninist Party in the midst of the revolutionary mass movements. The strength of the working class lies in its consciousness and organization. Only Marxism-Leninism can direct and orient the revolutionary movement of the workers. Only through the organization of the advanced detachment of the proletariat in its vanguard Party can Marxism-Leninism be applied to bring the antifascist proletarian socialist revolution to victory. For this reason the monopoly capitalists especially seek to destroy the Party, to suppress its organization and to corrupt its revolutionary ideology. To this end the monopoly capitalist dictators have employed modern revisionism. Modern revisionism is a retrograde bourgeois trend of thought and action which arose from within the communist and workers’ movement. It aims to ensure class conciliation and social peace between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, to subordinate the interests of the proletariat to the interests of the bourgeoisie, to undermine the revolution and perpetuate capitalism in the bourgeois-revisionist countries, and to restore capitalism wherever genuine socialism is under construction. While claiming to be loyal to the Marxist-Leninist teachings, the modern revisionists empty Marxism-Leninism of its revolutionary content and transform it into a theory of opportunist social reforms. Modern revisionism is the main danger within the communist and workers’ movement. For over 40 years the central issue in the American proletarian revolution has been the struggle to defend the purity of Marxism-Leninism and build the revolutionary Party of the proletariat against the corruption and sabotage of modern revisionism.
In 1919 the American proletariat gave birth to its vanguard Party with the formation of the CPUSA. But in the mid-1930’s Browderite revisionism, the first sign of the development of modern revisionism, arose and began to corrode this Party from within. Claiming certain “American exceptions” Browder negated the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism and robbed it of its revolutionary and mobilizing essence. He increasingly wiped out the accomplishments of the Party, eliminated its revolutionary political line, and finally in 1944, liquidated the Party altogether. Although the CPUSA was reestablished it never fully repudiated Browderism. It fell easy prey to the fully elaborated modern revisionism developed by the Khrushchov clique in Russia. Just as Khrushchovite revisionism undermined the great Communist Party of Lenin and Stalin, so modern revisionism corroded the CPUSA. Just as the Khrushchovite revisionists turned the Soviet Union from the bright red bastion of world revolution and socialism into an aggressive capitalist, social-imperialist superpower, so also the modern revisionists turned the CPUSA into a counterrevolutionary Party of the bourgeoisie, a traitor to the proletariat which had given it birth.
With the degeneration of the CPUSA the American proletariat found itself in a difficult position. Under sharp attack from the brutal monopoly capitalist exploiters and without its revolutionary vanguard Party, it suffered also from enormous ideological confusion. It is in this situation that the great mass movements of the 1960’s broke out. The great movement of the Afro-American people grew to a nationwide rebellion; the movement against U. S. imperialist aggression in Indochina swept the country in a mighty torrent; the youth and students rose up in these struggles and also waged powerful battles against the imperialist cultural aggression and the decadent bourgeois educational system. These and many other mass movements of the tumultuous decade of the 1960’s shook the monopoly capitalist system to its foundations.
Inspired by the great international struggle against modern revisionism, and in the conditions of a growing mass revolt against the U. S. imperialist bourgeoisie, activists began to split from the revisionist CPUSA. In 1962 the Progressive Labor Movement, later called the Progressive Labor Party, was formed as a new center of the U. S. Marxist-Leninists. But like the CPUSA before it, the PLP failed to settle accounts with the social-chauvinist liberal-labor politics of Browder. It soon stopped fighting revisionism and opportunism altogether and quickly degenerated into a trotskyite sect.
But the Marxist-Leninist elements in the U.S. refused to accept this revisionist betrayal. They refused to capitulate to the monopoly capitalist dictators. Out of the revolutionary mass movements of the 1960’s the advanced section of the revolutionary activists rose up once again to fight modern revisionism, to once again raise high the banner of revolutionary Marxism-Leninism, to once again shoulder the great task of building the Marxist-Leninist Party as the conscious leader and organizer of the working class. In 1969, the First Conference of North American Marxist-Leninists was held in Regina, Canada, convened by the Canadian Internationalists, the predecessors of the Communist Party of Canada {Marxist-Leninist). Inspired by this momentous conference, the comrades of the Cleveland Workers’ Action Committee took the historic step to form the American Communist Workers Movement (Marxist-Leninist) and to build it as the single nationwide center for the U. S. Marxist-Leninists.
The ACWM(M-L) consisted of activists deeply rooted in the revolutionary mass movements. Right from the beginning it contacted all of the main organizations and individuals who claimed to uphold Marxism-Leninism and to oppose revisionism, and it sought to unite them into a single Marxist-Leninist center. The ACWM(M-L) built one center in order to reconstitute the genuine Marxist-Leninist Party, to fight revisionism and to lead the revolutionary movements. At this crucial turning point, when the revolutionary principles of the theory of the working class were being emasculated and the aims of the revolution obscured, the ACWM(M-L) took up the decisive task of the widescale dissemination of Marxism-Leninism. It consistently fought against the pervasive ideological confusion spread by the bourgeoisie; against New Leftism, Castroism, cultural nationalism, Trotskyism, anarchism, modern revisionism, and opportunism of all hues. It conducted consistently revolutionary agitation in the midst of the mass movements. It waged the resistance movement against the criminal repression by the bourgeois state. And it built a disciplined fighting organization with monolithic unity based on the single Marxist-Leninist line. In all of these ways the ACWM(M-L) defended the purity of Marxism-Leninism by applying it in practice to advance the revolutionary movement. In 1972 the ACWM(M-L) launched another broad campaign to unite the Marxist-Leninists. This campaign led to the formation of the Central Organization of U.S. Marxist-Leninists, the Marxist-Leninist nucleus, the center to further rally the Marxist-Leninists to fight modern revisionism.
But there were those who claimed to be Marxist-Leninists and claimed to oppose revisionism, yet who refused to follow the first principle of Marxism-Leninism that all Marxist-Leninists should unite into one Party. This was the anti-Party trend of neo-revisionism. They factionalized the movement and scattered the Marxist-Leninist forces through their concocted theses of the “pre-Party situation” and the “pre-Party collective”. In opposition to uniting and building one Party on the basis of Marxism-Leninism they promoted the theory that the “Party will arise spontaneously out of the mass movements” and the “Party will arise spontaneously out of the united front”. Instead of fighting revisionism and defending the purity of Marxism-Leninism, the neo-revisionists sought special sectarian principles and peculiar revisionist theories in order to distinguish themselves as a separate trend. Faced with the widespread work of the revolutionary Marxist-Leninists in favor of the Party, the neo-revisionists shifted from their anti-Party theory of “pre-Party collectives” to another anti-Party theory, that of “many Marxisms” embodied in “many parties”. Thus the neo-revisionists intensified their splitting and factionalizing activities and congealed into a definite trend, into diehard wreckers of the Marxist-Leninist movement and conciliators of revisionism.
For a decade the neo-revisionist leaders and organizations have done tremendous damage to the Marxist-Leninist movement. Through their disruptive activities they succeeded in preventing the reconstitution of the Party for years. Instead of fighting revisionism, they conciliated revisionism and opportunism. Instead of defending the interests of the working class, they have continually fomented splits and have sabotaged the workers’ struggles. They have finally succeeded in distinguishing themselves as a distinct trend, and it has proved to be the trend of alliance with imperialism, the trend of “three worlds-ism” and social-chauvinism. History has proven that the Marxist-Leninist Party can only be founded on the basis of carrying the struggle against neo-revisionism and its concentrated expression, social-chauvinism, through to the end.
History shows that the mainstream within the neo-revisionist trend was encouraged, given ideological direction, financed and in an all-round way fostered by the Chinese revisionists. Although the neo-revisionist trend includes within it a left sloganeering front of Soviet revisionism, U. S. neo-revisionism is in the main an American expression of Chinese revisionism. For the last decade, following the lead of the Chinese revisionists, the neo-revisionists have promoted a whole system of the most degenerate anti-Marxist theories and practices on every question and in every field. They advocate the theory that revisionism and opportunism are allegedly “middle forces to be united with”. In this way they attempt to deny the life and death character of the struggle of Marxism-Leninism against revisionism. They try to blunt the edge of this struggle in order to conciliate the revisionists and opportunists who are nothing more than counter-revolutionary agencies of the bourgeoisie within the revolutionary movement. Under the signboard that “objective conditions are not ripe for revolution” the neo-revisionists deny the Leninist teachings that this is the epoch of imperialism and the social revolution of the proletariat, the epoch of the revolutionary transition from capitalism to socialism, and in this way they try to justify their liberal-labor politics. The sole criterion that they advance to prove that “objective conditions are not ripe” is their claim that the “working masses are backward” or are not in a “revolutionary mood”. With this theory they in practice oppose any revolutionary mass actions and call any militant resistance “provoking the bourgeoisie”. These neo-revisionists have always claimed that the so-called “third world peoples” are more revolutionary than North Americans and Europeans. In this way they have tried to demoralize the American proletariat and to denigrate its role as the leading and main force of American revolution. With this revisionist theory they completely wrote off proletarian revolution in the West. They in fact deny that it is precisely the proletariat which is the center of this epoch and the leader of the world revolution. These and other anti-Marxist theses which form the ideological premises of Chinese revisionism and its “three worlds theory” were propagated since the late 1960’s and have served the neo-revisionists in their conciliation with modern revisionism and their disruption of the U.S. Marxist-Leninist movement.
Neo-revisionism has also borrowed heavily from the counter-revolutionary arsenal of Browderite revisionism. Its essence has proved to be Browderite liberal-labor politics, reformism and flimsy conciliation to all opportunism and any fashionable deviation. Browder’s liberal-labor and social-chauvinist politics liquidates the revolutionary mission of the proletariat and is the most corrupt, reformist, and American big-power chauvinist doctrine. Browderite liberal-labor politics fights the revolution and communism by reducing the working class movement to a “left-wing” to the “liberals”, a trade union caucus or “special interest group” inside the big “Rooseveltian” coalition of the Democratic Party. The Browderites give the leadership of the workers’ movement to the trade union bureaucrats, the lawyers and the “liberal” demagogues among the imperialist politicians. The Browderites oppose any revolutionary mass action and any spirit of resistance and struggle. Under the guise of fighting for reforms, they make it their job to fascize the government apparatus, to praise the NLRB and work for new forms of labor-management-goyernment cooperation. They similarly betray all of the revolutionary movements. They deprive them of proletarian leadership by reducing the Party to a loose “educational association” and by reducing the communist and workers’ movement to bourgeois trade unionism, legalism and parliamentarianism. The neo-revisionists cling to this Browderite revisionist “American Marxism” in their struggle against the universally applicable, revolutionary teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin.
While the essence of neo-revisionism can be found in the Browderite liberal-labor politics, it also has a rather thin “left” veneer, which is an eclectic broth of special sectarian principles, anarcho-syndicalism and straight-out idealist sophistry. Neo-revisionism finds its typical theoretical expression in a series of infamous, anti-Marxist dichotomies such as: the Party is counterposed to the mass movements and vice versa; the economic struggle is counterposed to the political struggle; the alternatives are given of bourgeois trade unionism or of denouncing the economic struggle as economist; bourgeois intellectualism and idealism are given as the alternatives to pragmatism and utter mindlessness and usually both are combined. Over a period of time, neo-revisionism developed a whole series of anti-Marxist doctrines and spread confusion on every issue. But its essence is most clearly expressed in the social-chauvinist liberal-labor politics of Browder.
Today neo-revisionism has degenerated into open social-chauvinism. It has brazenly called for the American working class to ally itself with the U. S. imperialist bourgeoisie to “direct the main blow against the Soviet social-imperialists.” It has openly climbed aboard the U.S. imperialist war chariot and is demanding that bloodstained monopoly capitalist dictators must produce even more weapons of death and mass destruction which are used against the world revolution and for contention with the Soviet social-imperialists tor world domination. The neo-revisionists hold to the theory of “three worlds”, which is a theory that writes off revolution and socialism and defends the U. S. imperialist neo-colonial empire. In their opposition to revolution and socialism, the neo-revisionists have sunk to slinging the most filthy anti-communist mud at the glorious People’s Socialist Republic of Albania, the bright red bastion of the international proletariat, and against the Party of Labor of Albania and its leader Comrade Enver Hoxha. At this time of deepening all-round crisis of the international bourgeoisie, a time of frenzied militarization and preparations for inter-imperialist world war, the neo-revisionists have jumped out to become super-patriot defenders of U. S. imperialism in particular, and the world imperialist system in general.
Social-chauvinism is the highest form and typical result of a decade of corrosion of neo-revisionism within the Marxist-Leninist movement. For a decade the alliance of the neo-revisionists with the U.S. imperialist bourgeoisie has been hidden and secret. Today it is open and disgusting. The political content behind their years of disruption and factionalization of the Marxist-Leninist movement is now clearly revealed for all to see. Social-chauvinism is neo-revisionism in finished form. And their degeneration to open social-chauvinism marks the complete bankruptcy of the neo-revisionist trend.
The disgusting betrayal of the neo-revisionists, their open alliance with the imperialist bourgeoisie, has called forward a great movement against social-chauvinism in the U. S. Under the leadership of the COUSML, this movement has further rallied the revolutionary Marxist-Leninists, has brought up a section of class conscious workers to the cause of the Marxist-Leninist Party, and has enlivened revolutionary activists in the defense of socialism. The further extension and deepening of this movement is creating favorable conditions for the founding and building of the Marxist-Leninist Party without the social-chauvinists and against the social-chauvinists.
The struggle against social-chauvinism is a component part of the struggle of the international Marxist-Leninist movement against Chinese revisionism. The international Marxist-Leninist communist movement has consistently fought modern revisionism right from the first signs of its development with Browderite revisionism, and it has continually exposed the emergence of each new variant of modern revisionism. It has waged Irreconcilable struggle against Yugoslav revisionism, Soviet revisionism, “Eurocommunism” and Chinese revisionism. The struggle to build the Marxist-Leninist Party in the U.S. has always advanced with the deepening of the repudiation of the anti-Marxist theories and counter-revolutionary role of revisionism. It was the great international polemics against Khrushchovite revisionism in the 1960’s which Inspired an entire generation of revolutionaries to stand up for the defense of the purity of Marxism-Leninism. And it is the struggle against Chinese revisionism which is today fostering the further building and strengthening of the Marxist-Leninist communist parties in every country. It is to the honor of the Party of Labor of Albania with Comrade Enver Hoxha at the head, that it was the first Party to expose Khrushchovite revisionism in all of its features. And it is further to their everlasting glory that the Party of Labor of Albania and Its leader Comrade Enver Hoxha have led In exposing Chinese revisionism, its “three worlds theory”, its superpower ambitions, and its roots in the anti-Marxist-Leninist and revisionist “Mao Zedong (Mao Tsetung) Thought”. The U. S. Marxist-Leninist movement is a contingent of the international Marxist-Leninist communist movement. And the struggle against social-chauvinism in the U. S. must be waged as a component of the great international struggle against modern revisionism and especially against its Chinese variant.
The struggle against social-chauvinism is irreconcilable. It is a struggle between the path of revolution and the path of collaboration and alliance with the bourgeoisie. Social-chauvinism and the Browderite liberal-labor politics find their support among an entire stratum of the labor aristocracy and the petty bourgeoisie. Social-chauvinism finds its strength in an alliance with the monopoly capitalist moneybags and their U.S. imperialist state. The struggle against this politics and this stratum will not lessen, but will grow even more intense with the approach of the proletarian revolution. There can be no lasting victory in the struggle against social-chauvinism apart from the reconstitution and constant growth and strengthening of the Marxist-Leninist Party of the American proletariat. The great movement against social-chauvinism has mobilized a whole section of class conscious workers and revolutionary activists to break completely with the social-chauvinist class traitors. And this has created favorable conditions to reconstitute the Marxist-Leninist Party. And this in turn will further intensify the struggle against the social-chauvinist liberal-labor politics.
Indispensable to the growth and flourishing of the movement against social-chauvinism has been the work and struggle of the COUSML and its predecessor the ACWM(M-L). Only the COUSML grasped the significance of the emergence of the open social-chauvinist betrayal and only COUSML had the maturity and organization to foster the great nationwide struggle against the social-chauvinist traitors and to lead It to sweep away the opportunist theories and habits which had been accumulating for decades in the U.S. movement. It was possible for the COUSML to play this role only because through ten years of a most arduous and complicated struggle the COUSML, and the ACWM(M-L) before it, has been building the Marxist-Leninist nucleus of the vanguard party of the proletariat.
Right from 1969 the ACWM(M-L) fought to build the Marxist-Leninist Party and with this party spirit always fought to defend the interests of the Marxist-Leninist movement as a whole. For this reason, at a time of prevailing ideological confusion and of local groups and “pre-party collectives”, the ACWM(M-L) was built as the national Marxist-Leninist center and took up the decisive work to organize the widescale dissemination of Marxism-Leninism. For this reason the ACWM(M-L) and the COUSML constantly sought to unite the Marxist-Leninists. They worked hard to train the proletariat in the party concept which had been corroded through decades of liberal-labor politics. Only with the Marxist-Leninist Party can the proletariat be united into a powerful independent revolutionary force. The COUSML and the ACWM(M-L) before it always fought for the party concept and for ten years waged consistent battles against all disruption and sabotage to build the proletariat’s vanguard party.
From its founding the ACWM(M-L) took up the organization of agitation and propaganda which was national in scope and held to consistently revolutionary principles. It developed Its agitation to systematically explain to the masses, both theoretically and practically, the revolutionary point of view on all the most important questions. And it used this agitation to oppose the liberal-labor politics of the petty bourgeoisie and the labor aristocracy which dominates the political events and mass movements in the U. S. Through ten years of struggle the COUSML has built up its national press and numerous local leaflets and papers. Through this network it does consistent agitation to inspire in the working class complete opposition to the bourgeoisie and its state power. And through this agitation it seeks to orient and guide every step of the struggle of the masses, welding the economic and political struggles into a single revolutionary torrent. The COUSML, through this protracted agitation and propaganda, is training the class conscious workers and revolutionary activists unswervingly for revolution and is organizing the proletariat to become an independent political force at the center of all the revolutionary mass movements.
The COUSML has not only developed its network of agitation to guide the mass movements on to the revolutionary path, but has also carefully organized revolutionary actions to inspire and train the masses at each step of its history. Whether it was the battles which eventually defeated the fascist “hard hat movement” in 1970, or the recent fights against the state-organized fascist anti-busing movement, the COUSML has consistently organized well-planned revolutionary struggles. It trains the masses in active resistance to the reactionary violence of the bourgeois state and shows them the way to break out of the legalism, pacifism, defeatism and capitulationism of the opportunists. The resistance movement is crucial to the training of revolutionary Marxist-Leninist fighters. There is no way the interests of the masses can be defended, a revolutionary movement developed and a steeled Party built without uncompromising resistance to the fascist attacks of the bourgeois state. It is with this kind of spirit and leadership, through its agitation and revolutionary actions, that the COUSML has given a conscious and systematic aspect to the struggles against the fascist anti-busing movement. These struggles have shown that where there is a Marxist-Leninist vanguard, there the democratic enthusiasm of the masses to fight fascism can be mobilized into a powerful fighting force.
The comrades of the ACWM(M-L) had learned to hate revisionism from their direct experience in the revolutionary mass movements of the 1960’s, and they founded and built the Marxist-Leninist nucleus to wage Irreconcilable struggle against the revisionists and opportunists of all types. Despite untold pressures to give up their Marxist-Leninist principles, the ACWM(M-L) remained completely loyal to the international Marxist-Leninist communist movement and to the great international struggle against Khrushchovite revisionism. It is because of this revolutionary firmness that the COUSML came up in struggle not only against Khrushchovite revisionism, but also against those who wanted to conciliate with revisionism, the neo-revisionists. Because of its ten year struggle to unite the Marxist-Leninists against the sabotage and disruption of the neo-revisionists, the COUSML was able to expose and criticize the roots of neo-revisionism in the pseudo-theories of the Chinese revisionists and the liberal-labor politics of Browder.
The ACWM(M-L) and COUSML have always laid great stress on proletarian internationalism. They have firmly maintained that the American proletariat is one part of the world proletariat, and the American Marxist-Leninists one contingent of the international Marxist-Leninist communist movement. They have enthusiastically supported the revolutionary struggles for national liberation and socialism in other countries and tirelessly mobilized the proletariat to support all struggles against the imperialist domination of “our own” U.S. imperialist bourgeoisie. They opposed phillstinism, moralism and opportunism and placed the issue of internationalism oh the revolutionary Leninist basis of solidarity based on pushing forward the common struggle against world imperialism and reaction, on advancing the struggle at home for revolution and supporting the revolutionary line in all other countries.
The ACWM(M-L) was an organization which, right from the start, demanded that all of its members had to actively participate in arriving at the revolutionary decisions and had to implement those decisions in practice. And because of this its organization and members were always marked by a high degree of both Marxist-Leninist consciousness and revolutionary activity. The constant struggle to build the organization where every member is a soldier of the party, sacrificing in the interest of the proletariat and where there is a high level of unity of Marxist-Leninist thought and will, insured that COUSML and ACWM(M-L) before it were fighting, disciplined organizations with monolithic unity based on the single Marxist-Leninist line. Through ten years of struggle, the COUSML has built up the centralized leadership and the self-moving basic organization in the local areas which has the initiative to respond to the day-to-day struggles of the masses and the political strength and unity to train the workers in the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist line of the COUSML.
Ten years of all-sided and wide-ranging struggle has gone into the building of the Marxist-Leninist nucleus of the vanguard party of the proletariat. It is now time to reconstitute that party through the founding of the Marxist-Leninist Party of the U.S.A.
Today the Marxist-Leninist Party is being reestablished in the midst of a deepening struggle against social-chauvinism, revisionism and opportunism of all types. Neo-revisionism has degenerated into open social-chauvinism and has gone bankrupt. The revolutionary Marxist-Leninists have unfolded a great movement against social-chauvinism and revisionism, and are advancing in revolutionary struggle against the monopoly capitalist dictators. The proletariat and working masses are rising up and great class battles are imminent. All Marxist-Leninists, class conscious workers, and revolutionary activists, the COUSML calls to you: NOW IS THE TIME TO REESTABLISH THE MARXIST-LENINIST PARTY OF THE AMERICAN PROLETARIAT. Now is the time to vigorously participate in the historic work to found the Marxist-Leninist Party of the U.S.A.; work closely with the branches and basic units of the COUSML to organize public meetings, distribution networks, committees against social-chauvinism, study groups, etc.; and carry out the main tasks:
1) Study the classic teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. Defend the purity of Marxism-Leninism. Wage irreconcilable struggle against social-chauvinism, “three worlds-ism”, neo-revisionism, and all the main variants of modern revisionism including Soviet revisionism, Yugoslav revisionism, “Eurocommunism”, and Chinese revisionism.
2) Study, discuss and widely distribute the important political documents for the founding of the Marxist-Leninist Party, The Workers’ Advocate, and other literature of the COUSML.
3) Defend the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania with the Party of Labor of Albania and its leader Comrade Enver Hoxha at the head. Mobilize support for Albania, the great Inspiration and bright red bastion of the world revolution and socialism.
4) Denounce the social-chauvinist theories including: the theory of allying the American proletariat with U.S. Imperialism to “direct the main blow against Soviet social-imperialism”; the “three worlds theory” and its support for neocolonialism and opposition to socialism and revolution; etc.
Develop the struggle against the militarization, war preparations and aggression of U. S. imperialism arid Soviet social-imperialism, of the other imperialists and all reactionaries. Oppose the aggressive, warmongering U.S.-China alliance. Use these struggles to expose the utter vileness of the social-chauvinist liberal-labor politics.
5) Participate actively in the revolutionary mass movements. Inspire the working class and masses with the spirit of the revolutionary overthrow of the bourgeoisie. Mobilize the advanced elements of the proletariat into the Party work. Work hard to expose and defeat the revisionists’ sabotage of the revolutionary mass struggles.
BUILD THE MARXIST-LENINIST PARTY WITHOUT THE SOCIAL-CHAUVINISTS AND AGAINST THE SOCIAL-CHAUVINISTS!
UPHOLD MARXISM-LENINISM AND PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM!
VIGOROUSLY PARTICIPATE IN THE HISTORIC WORK TO FOUND THE MARXIST-LENINIST PARTY OF THE U.S.A.!
May 12, 1979